. . . The arrival of Justice Amy Coney Barrett in October seemed to create a 6-to-3 conservative juggernaut that would transform the Supreme Court.
Instead, judging by the 39 signed decisions in argued cases so far this term, including two major rulings on Thursday, the right side of the court is badly fractured and its liberal members are having a surprisingly good run.
. . .
The conventional wisdom last fall was that Chief Justice John G. Roberts Jr.’s leadership, with its bias toward incrementalism and moderation, was over. With five justices to his right, including three appointed by President Donald J. Trump, the chief justice’s ability to guide the court was thought to have evaporated.
The story of the term so far, though, is a different one. Indeed, it is the court’s most conservative members who are issuing howling dissents and aggrieved concurrences to protest a majority they say is too cautious.
That majority very often includes Mr. Trump’s appointees, notably Justice Brett M. Kavanaugh, who is now at the court’s ideological center, replacing the chief justice.
This term, Justice Kavanaugh has voted with the majority in divided cases 87 percent of the time, more than any other member of the court, according to data compiled by Lee Epstein and Andrew D. Martin of Washington University in St. Louis and Kevin Quinn of the University of Michigan.
In his entire tenure, which started in 2018, Justice Kavanaugh has been in the majority 85 percent of the time, the highest rate of any justice since 1953.
“Kavanaugh’s record of voting with the majority in divided cases is extraordinary,” Professor Epstein said.
The two other Trump appointees are not far behind. Justice Barrett is second, having voted with the majority 82 percent of the time this term. And Justice Neil M. Gorsuch tied for third with Justice Elena Kagan, a member of the court’s liberal wing, at 80 percent. Justice Kagan’s rate of voting with the majority jumped 12 percentage points since last term.
By contrast, Justice Samuel A. Alito Jr., a conservative who might have thought that his views would be embraced by his new colleagues, was in the majority in divided cases just 36 percent of the time.
That helps explain his aggrieved tone in concurring and dissenting opinions on Thursday in cases on a clash between claims of religious freedom and gay rights in the context of foster care and on the Affordable Care Act.
. . .
So far this term, the court’s three Democratic appointees have voted with the majority 73 percent of the time in divided cases, slightly ahead of the 72 percent rate of the six Republican appointees. In the term that ended last year, the gap was 14 percentage points in favor of Republican appointees.
The change may be explained by strategic voting. The court’s Democratic appointees have not hesitated to join unanimous decisions with conservative outcomes, as labeled by the Supreme Court Database at Washington University. The percentage of liberal decisions in unanimous cases so far this term is just 30, the lowest since at least 1953.
But the story changes in divided cases, where 64 percent of decisions have been labeled liberal, the highest since 1968.
“Going into this term,” Professor Epstein said, “the expectation was a bunch of divided decisions with the three Democratic appointees getting the short end of the stick. So far that prediction is way off the mark. In divided cases, the Trump appointees have moved the court to the left. If anyone got the short end of the stick, it’s this year’s most conservative justice, Alito.”
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